Pakistan’s Strategic Gambit in Iran-Israel Tensions

Pakistan’s recent involvement in Iran-Israel tensions represents a dramatic shift from traditional non-alignment to active strategic partnership with Iran, driven by complex geopolitical calculations involving Chinese investments, Indian threats, and regional security imperatives. This unprecedented alignment occurred after both countries overcame their most serious military confrontation in decades.

From crisis to strategic alignment

Pakistan and Iran transformed their relationship from near-conflict to military partnership in just twelve months. In January 2024, the countries experienced their most serious confrontation since the 1980s when Iran struck Pakistani territory with missiles targeting Baloch militants, killing two civilians. Wikipedia Pakistan retaliated with Operation Marg Bar Sarmachar, deploying J-10C fighters in escort roles while JF-17 Thunder jets conducted precision strikes against Iranian territory, killing nine people including four children. Wikipedia +3

Rather than escalating, both countries chose rapid diplomatic de-escalation. By January 29, 2024, Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian visited Pakistan, establishing frameworks for expanded security cooperation. Wikipedia +2 This crisis-to-partnership transformation culminated in unprecedented military cooperation agreements by January 2025, including joint weapons production, regular naval exercises, and enhanced intelligence sharing. ArmyrecognitionThe Defense Post

The J-10C incident reveals operational integration

The J-10C fighters’ involvement in Operation Marg Bar Sarmachar marked their first operational deployment in Pakistani service, though in support rather than primary strike roles. These Chinese-made aircraft provided air cover and electronic warfare support while domestically-produced JF-17s conducted the actual strikes using extended-range precision munitions. Bulgarianmilitary

This deployment demonstrated Pakistan’s successful integration of Chinese military technology into complex cross-border operations. The 25 J-10CE aircraft ordered in December 2021 and delivered starting March 2022 represent a significant capability enhancement, featuring AESA radar, PL-15 long-range missiles, and advanced electronic warfare systems powered by Chinese WS-10B engines. Wikipedia

Strategic motivations drive unprecedented cooperation

Countering the Israel-India axis emerges as Pakistan’s primary strategic concern. The Israel-India partnership has evolved into one of the world’s most significant defense relationships, with Israel supplying 42.1% of its arms exports to India, totaling approximately $1.5 billion annually. The DiplomatWikipedia This relationship fundamentally alters South Asian strategic dynamics through:

  • Advanced military systems including Barak-8 missiles ($6+ billion), Phalcon AWACS, and extensive drone capabilities The Diplomat +2
  • Intelligence cooperation dating to 1968, intensifying after the 2008 Mumbai attacks The DiplomatWikipedia
  • Technology transfers supporting India’s $200 billion military modernization program The Diplomat
  • Joint manufacturing ventures under “Make in India” initiatives The Diplomat +2

Pakistani officials consistently describe this partnership as an existential threat. During the May 2025 India-Pakistan conflict, Israeli weapons systems played central roles in Indian operations, with 25+ Israeli-made Harop loitering munitions Dawn and multiple other systems deployed against Pakistani forces. The Times of Israel

Economic security drives China-Pakistan calculations

Protecting the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) from regional instability represents Pakistan’s core strategic imperative. The $25.4 billion Phase 1 investment, with $26.8 billion in ongoing projects, transforms Pakistan’s economic foundations. Mofa China now holds $26.6 billion of Pakistan’s debt, representing 72% of external bilateral obligations.

Regional tensions directly threaten these investments. Pakistan deploys 12,000 troops specifically for CPEC protection, responding to repeated attacks by Baloch Liberation Army and Pakistani Taliban targeting Chinese workers. Wikipedia The March 2024 attack on Chinese engineers and October 2024 convoy bombing demonstrate persistent security challenges that China considers when making future investment decisions.

China’s position as regional stability broker influences Pakistani calculations. Beijing mediated the Pakistan-Iran crisis resolution and advocates diplomatic solutions to Iran-Israel tensions. Diplomatic CourierWikipedia Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lin Jian condemned Israeli strikes on Iran as violations of sovereignty, positioning China as an alternative to US policies in the region. NewsweekAl Jazeera

Military cooperation reaches unprecedented levels

Pakistan-Iran military cooperation has achieved remarkable depth since the January 2024 crisis:

Joint military production agreements include Iranian orders for 25 MFI-17 Mushshak aircraft and collaborative weapons manufacturing initiatives. WikipediaThe Defense Post Naval cooperation expanded through joint exercises in the Strait of Hormuz, Persian Gulf, and Arabian Sea, with Iran participating in Pakistan’s AMAN-25 multinational exercises. Wikipedia +3

Intelligence sharing focuses on combating cross-border terrorism, particularly targeting Jaish al-Adl and Baloch separatist groups. Both countries established joint border security mechanisms and coordinated patrol operations along their 900-kilometer border. Bulgarianmilitary +2

Pakistan’s Iran support during Israeli strikes

Pakistan provided resolute solidarity with Iran during Israeli nuclear facility strikes in June 2025. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif condemned Israeli attacks as violations of sovereignty and international law, while Defense Minister Khawaja Asif stated Pakistan would “safeguard Iran’s interests.” DawnArab News

Pakistan closed all border crossings with Iran temporarily due to conflict intensity and established a 24/7 Crisis Management Unit for Pakistani nationals in Iran. Al JazeeraArab News Pakistani officials affirmed Iran’s right to self-defense under UN Charter Article 51, representing unprecedented diplomatic support. Arab NewsDawn

Financing Israel’s operations reveals Western commitment

The United States remains Israel’s primary supporter, providing $17.9 billion in security assistance since October 2023 – the highest annual total since US aid began in 1959. The Costs of WarThe Associated Press This includes over 100 military aid transfers, emergency congressional appropriations of $14.3 billion, and deployment of THAAD missile defense systems with 100 US troops. Cfr

European support varies significantly. Germany approved €485 million in military exports, representing a ten-fold increase from 2022. Wikipedia +2 However, several European countries imposed partial arms embargos or license suspensions due to humanitarian concerns. The UK suspended 30 out of 350 arms export licenses, while France and others limited weapons flows. ReutersBrussels Signal

Israel’s own defense spending reached $46.5 billion in 2024, representing a 65% increase and 8.8% of GDP – the second highest globally after Ukraine. The Times of IsraelSIPRI

Regional implications and future trajectory

Pakistan’s alignment with Iran fundamentally alters regional security architecture. The partnership creates a potential China-Pakistan-Iran axis countering the Israel-India-US alignment, with significant implications for regional stability and global power balances.

Saudi Arabia and UAE pursue balanced approaches, maintaining relationships with both Iran and Israel while focusing on economic diversification. Newsweek +2 Turkey supports Iranian positions while maintaining strategic autonomy. These dynamics suggest emerging multipolar regional order replacing traditional US-dominated arrangements.

The evolution demonstrates how economic security considerations increasingly drive foreign policy calculations. Pakistan’s CPEC-centered strategy requires regional stability, making support for Iran both ideologically and economically motivated. TheasiadialogueRadio China’s investment success depends on preventing regional conflicts that could threaten infrastructure projects spanning from Xinjiang to the Arabian Sea. Wikipedia +3

Pakistan’s strategic transformation from US-aligned state to China-partnered regional power appears irreversible, with Iran ties representing a crucial component of this broader realignment. Wikipedia The success of this strategy will depend on maintaining Chinese confidence while managing regional tensions that could threaten the economic foundations of Pakistan’s development model.

Smoke Over the Gulf: Pakistan’s J-10Cs Enter the Fight

A J-10C fighter jet bore Pakistani military insignia. It tore through the skies of Iranian airspace, amidst the smoke-filled battlefields of the Middle East. It wasn’t a drill, and it wasn’t symbolic.

On June 14, 2025, Iranian state media confirmed unexpected news. Analysts didn’t anticipate this: Pakistani warplanes had officially entered Iran’s skies. They were not there to strike. Instead, they aimed to intercept Israeli missiles and drones. Suddenly, the world realized that the South Asian nuclear power was no longer sitting this one out.

China’s Warplane, Pakistan’s Message

Pakistan’s weapon of choice for this intervention was the Chinese-made J-10C. It is equipped with the deadly PL-15 air-to-air missile. The missile is renowned for its extraordinary range. These weren’t just defensive maneuvers. It was a message: Pakistan was forming a shield for Iran.

Conspicuously absent? The American-made F-16s. The reason wasn’t tactical—it was political. The U.S. had previously restricted Pakistan’s use of F-16s in conflicts with India. Additionally, they reportedly embedded backdoor software allowing remote engine lockouts. Sending an F-16 into combat against Israel would have been suicidal. The J-10C, by contrast, offered both firepower and political independence.

Settling Old Scores, Preventing New Disasters

Why did Pakistan do it?

On one level, it’s history. Pakistan views Israel’s military support to India during recent standoffs as a “hostile act”—a betrayal etched in memory. This intervention is payback, delivered at altitude.

But beyond vengeance lies a grim strategic calculus. If Iran’s defenses collapse, Pakistan could face:

  • A flood of over 870,000 refugees across its border within a month (World Bank estimate)
  • Terrorist infiltration through the porous Balochistan region
  • Economic and civil chaos in already fragile border provinces

So when Israeli jets used Iraqi airspace to strike Iranian targets, Pakistan saw not just aggression—but an opening. An undeclared war gave Islamabad the justification it needed.

From Tension to Alliance: The Role of China

Ironically, just months ago, Pakistan and Iran were on the verge of open conflict.

In January, Iran launched cross-border strikes on Jaish al-Adl targets in Pakistan. Islamabad retaliated by sending in its Rainbow-4 drones and “Kingpin” jets into Iran’s Sistan-Baluchestan. It could’ve spiraled.

But Beijing intervened.

China’s Vice Foreign Minister convened emergency talks. A hotline between Beijing and Tehran crackled to life. Within ten days, the foreign ministers of Pakistan and Iran were in Islamabad. They shook hands and formed a joint counterterrorism mechanism.

That moment of de-escalation laid the groundwork for today’s coordinated defense.

A Shaky Ally and a New Vanguard

Iran’s air force is crippled. Only 20 F-14s remain operational, cannibalized from spare parts. Russia’s promised Su-35s never arrived—sabotaged by diplomacy and production bottlenecks.

Enter Pakistan.

With over 300 modern aircraft—J-10Cs, Block III JF-17s, and yes, even F-16s—Pakistan holds an edge. The KLJ-7A radar and PL-15 missile combo fills the over-the-horizon gap Iran so desperately needs.

Meanwhile, the Israeli Air Force has been annihilating Iranian targets with zero losses. This success is due to a patchwork of Iranian air defenses built on incompatible U.S. and Russian systems.

The J-10C is more than a stopgap—it’s a game-changer.

The Bigger Game: Oil, Ports, and Precedents

Why is this more than a military skirmish?

Because geography. Because money. Because memory.

  • Gwadar and Chabahar, two ports just 72 nautical miles apart, represent the dueling dreams of China and India for Central Asia.
  • If Iran collapses, China’s $15 billion investment in Gwadar could become a sitting duck.
  • And half a century ago, it was Iran’s Shah who sent 30 F-4 Phantoms to rescue Pakistan in the 1971 war. History, it seems, has flipped.

Pakistan isn’t just defending Iran—it’s defending its economic future, its strategic depth, and a ghost of gratitude.

Behind the Radar Dome: A New Command Structure

U.S. intelligence believes Pakistani pilots are now flying from a forward command post in Isfahan. With the ZDK-03 early warning aircraft scanning a 450km radius and linking to Iranian radar stations, Pakistan has set up an integrated kill chain.

  • J-10Cs intercept before Israeli missiles can hit
  • “Bavar-373” batteries form the last line of defense
  • Together, they forced Israel to pull back launch points to the Mediterranean

This isn’t ad hoc. It’s layered. It’s lethal. It’s working.

Red Lines, Drawn in Smoke

When India’s Modi visited Tel Aviv right after the strikes—inking deals for Barak-8 missiles and Heron drones—the writing was on the wall.

New Delhi and Jerusalem are now military partners.

For Islamabad, the front line in Iran is a prelude to the one in Kashmir. If Israel arms India, Pakistan needs to prove it can project power—and draw blood—far beyond its own borders.

A Final Image: Steel Wings, Shifting Powers

As the J-10C’s engine roars above the Persian Gulf, it doesn’t just scream deterrence—it whispers warning.

A warning to Tel Aviv.
A signal to Washington.
A promise to Beijing.

And maybe most importantly, a reminder to Tehran: you are not alone.

Underneath the sleek wings of this silver-gray warbird flies the will of a country reclaiming its say in the future of the Middle East.

And when the dawn comes again over the Gulf, history will note—on this night, the multipolar world took flight.

The Realpolitik of US Military Aid to Pakistan

So here’s a story that’ll make your head spin. The US just invited Pakistan’s Army Chief General Asim Munir to celebrate America’s 250th Army Day. Sounds normal, right? Except this is the same Pakistan that everyone—and I mean everyone—knows has been playing footsie with terrorists for decades.

General Michael Kurilla, the guy running US Central Command, literally stood before Congress and called Pakistan a “phenomenal counterterrorism partner.” Meanwhile, American intelligence agencies are busy documenting Pakistan’s cozy relationships. These are with the exact same terrorist networks we’re supposedly fighting.

But here’s the thing—this isn’t some massive oversight or bureaucratic confusion. It’s realpolitik at its most naked. And honestly? It reveals more about how the world actually works than any foreign policy textbook ever will.

The nuclear elephant in every room

Let’s start with the obvious: Pakistan has nukes. About 170 of them, and they’re building more. Fast.

Stephen Cohen from Brookings puts it perfectly: “The single biggest threat to U.S. security would be the possibility of a terrorist organization obtaining a nuclear weapon.” So Pakistan’s stability becomes America’s problem whether we like it or not. Doesn’t matter what they do—we need them stable.

This creates what experts call insurmountable constraints. Bruce Riedel at CFR doesn’t mince words: “Pakistan is a country twice the size of California. It has the fastest growing nuclear arsenal in the world. Our options to do anything against Pakistan are severely limited.”

Think about that for a second. We’re basically saying: “Sure, you support terrorists, but please don’t collapse because that would be… inconvenient.”

Geography is destiny (unfortunately)

During the Afghan war—remember that 20-year adventure?—80% of NATO fuel had to go through Pakistan. Eighty percent! There was literally no other way to keep that war machine running.

Even now, post-withdrawal, Pakistan remains the main gateway to Afghanistan and Central Asia. As one defense official candidly admitted, “It’s either Central Asia or Pakistan—those are the two choices. We’d like to have both.”

So we’re geographically stuck with them. Not ideal when your “partner” is playing both sides.

China’s shadow game

Here’s where it gets really messy. China’s dumping $62 billion into something called the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. If we completely abandon Pakistan, guess who swoops in? Beijing.

The US maintains this bizarre relationship partly to prevent Pakistan from becoming a full Chinese client state. Great power competition trumps counterterrorism concerns every single time. It’s that simple, that cynical.

Pakistan’s brilliant double game

Pakistan has mastered what I’d call “selective counterterrorism.” They’ll hunt down ISIS-K operatives for us—like that Mohammad Sharifullah guy who planned the Kabul airport bombing. General Kurilla literally got a phone call: “I’ve caught him, I’m willing to extradite him back to the United States.”

But the same Pakistani military apparatus maintains cozy relationships with the “good Taliban”—Afghan Taliban, Haqqani Network—because they’re useful against India. The “bad Taliban”—Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan—threatens Pakistani state security, so they get the hammer.

It’s not accidental. Brookings research shows: “The military’s selective counterinsurgency approach delineates between groups hostile to Pakistani interests. Other groups, like the Haqqani Network and the Afghan Taliban, may have future strategic utility.”

Just last year, Pakistan faced over 1,000 terrorist attacks from TTP groups operating from Afghanistan. They even conducted airstrikes against TTP positions in December 2024, leading to direct clashes with Taliban forces. Yet they maintain strategic cooperation with Taliban leadership.

Confused yet? Welcome to South Asian geopolitics.

This isn’t new, folks

America’s been doing this dance for decades. During the Cold War, we partnered with every dictator. We even supported human rights abusers, as long as they were “our” dictators.

Richard Armitage, former Deputy Secretary of State, made a revealing statement back in 2002. He said, “Pakistan was never important to the United States in its own right. It was important because of third parties.”

That’s brutally honest. Pakistan matters not for what it is, but for what it provides strategically. Always has.

We tried the pressure approach too. Cut military aid by 60% between 2010-2017. Pakistan’s behavior? Didn’t change one bit. Turns out money talks, but geography and nukes talk louder.

The credibility problem

Here’s where things get really awkward. We’re deepening ties with India as our key Indo-Pacific partner while simultaneously maintaining Pakistan’s Major Non-NATO Ally status. You know, the same Pakistan whose military-intelligence apparatus has “long tolerated, if not enabled, cross-border terrorism.”

Regional partners are starting to ask uncomfortable questions about whether US partnerships are actually values-based or just transactional. Spoiler alert: they’re mostly transactional.

China’s exploiting this beautifully, positioning itself as Pakistan’s “iron brother” while highlighting American inconsistencies. As US influence wanes post-Afghanistan, Beijing’s strategic patience becomes increasingly attractive.

The expert consensus (such as it is)

Vali Nasr argues: “Pakistan more than any other country will decide the fate of Afghanistan.” So engagement remains strategically necessary regardless of terrorism concerns.

Stephen Cohen suggests something even more pragmatic. He proposes, “Rather than insisting that Pakistan see its neighborhood through a Western lens, the US could accept Islamabad’s different understanding of its geopolitical realities.” This acceptance would give Washington a better chance at a functional transactional partnership.

Translation: Stop moralizing and start managing.

What this all means

The Munir invitation isn’t going to resolve these contradictions—it’s not supposed to. It signals America’s acceptance that some partnerships must be managed rather than moralized about.

Whether this achieves anything meaningful is debatable. But it reveals an uncomfortable truth about how the world actually works. Geography and nuclear weapons matter more than counterterrorism rhetoric when shaping America’s most consequential relationships.

We can dress it up in diplomatic language all we want. At the end of the day, this is pure strategic necessity. It overrides stated principles. It’s realpolitik in its most naked form.

And you know what? Maybe that’s just how things have to be. The alternative might be worse. It might be more dangerous to isolate a nuclear-armed state with 240 million people. This country sits on crucial supply routes. That situation could be more perilous than this awkward dance we’re doing now.

But let’s at least be honest about what we’re doing. Because this invitation? It’s not about counterterrorism partnership. It’s about nuclear weapons, geography, and keeping China at bay. Everything else is just window dressing.

Is Pakistan’s Military Obsession Bankrupting its Future?

Bottom Line Up Front: Pakistan’s 20% defense budget increase amid a 7% overall spending cut represents a dangerous prioritization. This prioritization could trap the country in perpetual underdevelopment. Genuine security threats drive these decisions, making the choice between guns and butter more complex than critics acknowledge.

Pakistan just announced a significant 20% jump in defense spending to $9 billion for 2025-26. At the same time, the country slashed overall federal expenditure by 7%. This breathtaking prioritization amid economic crisis raises a fundamental question about Pakistan’s future. Is the country’s military obsession strangling its development potential? Or do genuine security threats justify these painful sacrifices?

The numbers tell a stark story that should make every Pakistani parent wonder about their children’s future. While Pakistan allocates 2.8% of GDP to defense—among the world’s highest ratios—it spends just 1.77% on education. The country ranks 2nd globally among the 34 poorest economies in military burden. It ranks 17th in education spending. It is dead last (34th) in health expenditure. With 26.2 million children out of school and adult literacy barely above one-third, Pakistan’s resource allocation seems fundamentally backwards.

Yet dismissing Pakistan’s military spending as mere institutional greed ignores the country’s genuinely terrifying neighborhood. With India spending nine times more ($78.7 billion vs Pakistan’s $9 billion), an unstable Afghanistan harboring anti-Pakistan militants, and Chinese infrastructure worth $65 billion requiring protection, Pakistan faces security challenges that would bankrupt most countries.

The Staggering Math: Defense vs. Everything Else

Let’s break down the numbers that reveal Pakistan’s true priorities—and they’re more shocking than you might expect.

Pakistan’s defense budget breakdown reveals a military-industrial complex that consumes resources like a hungry giant. Personnel costs alone devour $2.97 billion (39% of the budget), while equipment modernization takes another $1.96 billion. When you add the $2.63 billion in military pensions—kept conveniently separate from the main defense budget—Pakistan’s total military-related spending reaches nearly $12 billion annually.

Compare this to the combined federal education budget of just $283 million. Pakistan spends 42 times more on defense than federal education funding. Even including provincial education spending, the entire education sector receives $6.3 billion—barely half the military’s allocation.

This creates a perverse economic reality that economist Farrukh Saleem has studied extensively. “Pakistan spends 2.86pc of its GDP on defence, while the global average is 2.18pc,” he notes. He adds crucial context: “Pakistan’s military expenditures on a per capita basis are among the lowest in the world. Israel spends $2,000 on a per capita basis and Pakistan spends $22 per capita.”

The Opportunity Cost Crisis

The economic multiplier effects reveal the true cost of Pakistan’s choices. Every dollar spent on education creates 2.4 times more jobs than equivalent military spending, yet Pakistan consistently chooses the less productive option.

Consider the employment impact: Pakistan’s current military spending of $9 billion creates approximately 114,240 jobs. The same amount invested in education would generate 270,480 jobs, while clean energy investment would create 153,000 jobs. These aren’t just statistics—they represent hundreds of thousands of families whose economic prospects are diminished by current resource allocation.

The IMF relationship exposes Pakistan’s twisted fiscal priorities. Since 1999, Pakistan has received $22 billion from the IMF. At the same time, it has spent $180 billion on defense. Often, military budgets were increased even while accepting IMF austerity conditions. As Ahmad Mobeen, senior economist at S&P Global Market Intelligence, warned, “The shortfall will mostly be owing to lack of optimal implementation of announced measures. There is also an absence of meaningful structural reforms to widen the tax net in general.”

Recent Conflict: A $1 Billion Per Hour War

The May 2025 India-Pakistan conflict that triggered this budget increase provides a stark example of modern warfare’s economic devastation. Economist Farrukh Saleem estimated the 87-hour confrontation cost “about a billion dollars an hour for both countries put together.” Pakistan bore roughly 20% of those costs.

But here’s where the story gets interesting—and reveals the complexity of Pakistan’s strategic calculus. There is a staggering asymmetry in defence economics between India and Pakistan. Political scientist Farrukh Saleem wrote this in the News International. But in May’s aerial combat, ‘efficiency trumped extravagance.’

Pakistani officials claim their Chinese J-10CE fighters shot down multiple Indian Rafale jets. This is considered a tactical victory. It seemingly validates their investment in lower-cost Chinese equipment over expensive Western alternatives. As military analyst Hasan Askari Rizvi explained, “Pakistan’s defense partnership with China features flexibility. The terms range from direct payments to deferred ones and extend to strategic gifting.”

The Arms Race Trap: Can Pakistan Ever Win?

Pakistan’s security establishment justifies massive expenditures through the lens of strategic competition with India. However, this framing reveals a fundamental mathematical impossibility. India’s $78.7 billion defense budget creates an arms race Pakistan simply cannot win through spending alone.

China has become Pakistan’s military lifeline, supplying 82% of arms imports and offering flexible payment arrangements that mask true costs. This dependency creates new vulnerabilities: Pakistani security increasingly depends on Chinese geopolitical interests, while domestic defense industrial capacity remains underdeveloped.

The numbers tell the story of an impossible competition. According to Saleem’s analysis, “The US spends $392,000 per soldier. Saudi Arabia spends $371,000. India spends $42,000. Iran spends $23,000. Pakistan spends $12,500 per soldier.” Pakistan’s efficiency per dollar is remarkable, but the absolute gap remains insurmountable.

The Economic Development Sacrifice

Pakistan’s military spending occurs within a fiscal crisis context that makes every dollar count. With 55% of revenues consumed by debt servicing and 30% by defense, only 10-15% remains for civilian governance and development. This arithmetic simply doesn’t work for a developing country requiring massive investments in human capital and infrastructure.

The IMF’s $7 billion Extended Fund Facility program demands fiscal discipline, yet defense spending mysteriously remains exempt from conditionality. Pakistan has perfected the art of accepting international bailouts while protecting military expenditures. This pattern suggests either remarkable diplomatic skill. Alternatively, it could indicate dangerous self-deception about economic priorities.

Academic research consistently shows military expenditure creates long-run negative impacts on human development and economic growth in Pakistan’s context. From 1973-1997, economists estimate Pakistan’s per capita GDP could have been $718 higher annually without the nuclear program alone.

Addressing the Counterarguments: Security Realities Matter

Critics of this analysis often underestimate the genuine security challenges driving these expenditures—and they have valid points worth addressing.

Counterargument 1: “Pakistan faces existential threats” This isn’t hyperbole. The Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan killed 558 people in 2024—a 90% increase from the previous year. The Balochistan Liberation Army systematically targets Chinese personnel and CPEC infrastructure. Afghanistan’s border requires 1,000 military forts and a $532 million barrier system to manage infiltration and trade.

Response: These are real threats requiring real responses. The question isn’t whether Pakistan needs defense. It’s whether current spending levels represent optimal allocation. The May conflict demonstrated that technological sophistication and tactical innovation matter more than absolute spending levels.

Counterargument 2: “Nuclear deterrence justifies enormous costs” Pakistan spends an estimated $1 billion annually on nuclear capabilities. This spending prevents conventional military escalation. Without it, vastly higher defense expenditures would be required. Nuclear weapons provide cost-effective deterrence against India’s conventional superiority.

Response: Nuclear deterrence works, but at what opportunity cost? South Korea faces similar threats from North Korea yet maintains defense spending at 2.6% of GDP while achieving remarkable economic development. The issue isn’t whether deterrence works—it’s whether Pakistan’s specific implementation optimizes security per dollar spent.

Counterargument 3: “Military industries contribute to the economy” Saleem notes that Fauji Fertilizer significantly impacts the economy. It is one of the highest taxpayers in Pakistan. In 2019, Fauji Fertilizer paid Rs42 billion in taxes and duties. Fauji Cement deposits around Rs10 billion a year in the treasury.

Response: Military-industrial contributions are real but represent inefficient capital allocation. The same resources invested in civilian industries would generate higher economic returns and employment. Military industries succeed despite their institutional structure, not because of it.

Regional Comparison: Learning from Neighbors

Pakistan’s choices look even more questionable when compared to regional success stories:

  • Bangladesh: Maintains defense spending at 1.4% of GDP while achieving 6%+ economic growth
  • Vietnam: Spends 2.3% on defense but prioritizes export-oriented manufacturing
  • South Korea: Achieved development despite facing existential threats by limiting defense to 2.6% of GDP

These countries demonstrate that security and development aren’t mutually exclusive—they require different optimization strategies.

The Transparency Problem

One rarely discussed issue complicates this entire debate: Pakistan’s defense budget lacks transparency. Economic expert Dr Ikramul Haq noted, “In the media, misinformation spreads about the budget allocations for defence. There are also misconceptions about the benefits available to them.”

Without detailed breakdowns of defense spending efficiency, Pakistani citizens cannot evaluate whether their sacrifices produce optimal security outcomes. This opacity enables institutional capture and reduces public accountability.

A Way Forward: Smart Security, Smarter Economics

Pakistan doesn’t need to choose between security and development—it needs to optimize both simultaneously. This requires:

Immediate Reforms:

  • Transparent defense budget reporting with performance metrics
  • Shift from personnel-heavy to technology-focused military structure
  • Leverage Chinese partnerships for technology transfer, not just equipment purchases
  • Create explicit trade-offs between security and development spending

Long-term Strategy:

  • Develop domestic defense industry to reduce import dependence
  • Focus military spending on genuinely essential capabilities rather than prestige projects
  • Expand civilian oversight of defense expenditures through parliamentary committees
  • Create hybrid public-private defense research institutions

Economic Integration:

  • Use defense procurement to stimulate domestic technology sectors
  • Require military contractors to invest in civilian applications
  • Develop export potential for defense technologies to offset costs

The Choice That Defines Pakistan’s Future

Pakistan stands at a crossroads where every budget decision shapes the next generation’s prospects. The current approach prioritizes security over development, accepting lower economic growth and human development outcomes in exchange for military security.

As former finance minister Miftah Ismail recently argued, “Modernizing our armed forces is essential, but the key is spending wisely.” The evidence suggests Pakistan’s military spending isn’t inherently excessive given regional threat levels. However, it is catastrophically inefficient given economic constraints.

The country faces competing visions of national development. One path maintains current security-dependent economics that require continuous external support and limit development potential. The alternative emphasizes economic development as the foundation of long-term security, accepting higher short-term risks for better long-term outcomes.

Both approaches carry substantial risks. Pakistan’s current trajectory creates permanent dependency and stunted development. The alternative risks political instability if security threats materialize faster than economic growth can address underlying vulnerabilities.

Key Takeaways: Time for Hard Choices

Pakistan’s military spending debate reflects deeper questions about national priorities and development strategy:

  1. The numbers don’t lie: Pakistan allocates 42 times more to defense than education, creating unsustainable opportunity costs
  2. Security threats are real: Regional challenges justify significant defense investment, but current levels may exceed optimal allocation
  3. Efficiency matters more than totals: Pakistan’s tactical successes prove smart spending beats big spending
  4. Transparency is essential: Citizens deserve detailed information about defense spending effectiveness
  5. Integration is possible: Smart policies can align security and development goals rather than treating them as trade-offs

The choice is stark. We can evolve toward more efficient resource allocation. Alternatively, we can continue the current trajectory toward permanent dependency and stunted development. Pakistan’s next generation deserves better. They should not inherit a security state that cannot educate its children, heal its sick, or grow its economy.

Pakistan’s future depends on finding a sustainable balance between legitimate security needs and development imperatives. This must be achieved before both military and economic security become unattainable through resource exhaustion. The clock is ticking, and the consequences of getting this wrong will echo through generations.

The Cost of Ethnic Nationalism: A Global Perspective

The most successful political lie of our time isn’t about elections or economics. It’s the seductive myth that ethnic nationalism delivers what it promises. Ethnic nationalist movements have weaponized identity to capture power. These movements, from Viktor Orbán’s Hungary to Modi’s India, systematically betray the people they claim to protect. The same happens from Myanmar’s killing fields to Brexit Britain. The evidence is overwhelming: ethnic nationalism consistently impoverishes, isolates, and endangers the nations that embrace it. Yet it thrives. The question isn’t whether ethnic nationalism works—it demonstrably doesn’t. The question is why populations keep buying what amounts to political snake oil.

When promises meet reality: the economic catastrophe

The numbers don’t lie, even when politicians do. Countries pursuing ethnic nationalist policies suffer GDP losses of 2-5% annually. Military spending increases of 50-100% occur FrontiersScienceDirect. There are SIPRISIPRI trade disruptions worth hundreds of billions globally. Hungary, despite Orbán’s promises of prosperity through ethnic solidarity, Fortune saw its growth stagnate from 3.4% to near-zero by 2024, ReutersBIRN while 325,000 Hungarians—3.5% of the population—emigrated. This trend is creating a brain drain that hollows out the very nation the regime claims to strengthen. Emerging Europe BritannicaWikipedia

Myanmar’s genocidal campaign against the Rohingya was catastrophic for the country. It cost Myanmar its democratic transition, international legitimacy, and economic development. This tragedy resulted in the murder of 6,700 people in a month and displaced over 740,000. cfr +5 The promised security through ethnic cleansing instead delivered civil war, military dictatorship, and international isolation. Even India, with its vast economy, has seen growth decline from 8% to 4-5%. Hindu nationalist policies create social instability. These policies also damage the country’s secular democratic brand. Cfr

The pattern is consistent across continents and decades. Ethnic nationalism promises protection but delivers violence. It pledges prosperity but produces poverty. It claims to strengthen nations while systematically weakening them. SpringerLinkFrontiers Rwanda’s 1994 genocide followed this precise script. Yugoslavia’s disintegration did as well. The partition of India and Pakistan also followed this pattern, resulting in 500,000-2 million deaths. Britannica +2

The institutional capture playbook

What makes contemporary ethnic nationalism particularly insidious is its sophisticated use of democratic institutions to dismantle democracy itself. Today’s ethnic nationalists don’t storm parliaments—they capture them. Orbán perfected this model. He won elections through appeals to ethnic solidarity. Then, he systematically dismantled press freedom, judicial independence, and civil society. All of this was done while maintaining the façade of democratic legitimacy. Sage Journals +3 Hungary’s transformation from a “free” country to a “partly free” one, according to Freedom House. This represents a masterclass in how to kill democracy while keeping it breathing. NPRWikipedia

Modi’s India has followed a similar playbook. It uses the world’s largest democracy to pass explicitly discriminatory citizenship laws. It revokes Kashmir’s autonomy and systematically marginalizes 200 million Muslims. Despite these actions, it maintains electoral legitimacy. Britannica +4 Myanmar’s military simply dispensed with democratic pretenses. This occurred after completing its ethnic cleansing campaign. Cfr However, the institutional capture preceded the coup by decades. Wikipedia +2

The genius of this approach is that it provides plausible deniability: “We’re not authoritarians, we’re democrats who won elections.” Yet research shows this democratic veneer is more dangerous because it legitimizes exclusion. It also permits violence through majority rule.

Singapore versus Belgrade: the counter-evidence

The most damning evidence against ethnic nationalism comes from countries that rejected it entirely. Singapore ranks first globally for tolerance of ethnic minorities. Its Chinese, Malay, Indian, and other populations live together in government-managed integration. ACLED Switzerland’s linguistic federalism has produced one of the world’s most stable and prosperous democracies. Nih +3 Canada’s multiculturalism, despite recent tensions, has created a society where diversity strengthens rather than threatens national identity. ScienceDirect +2

These success stories share common features. They have power-sharing institutions and constitutional protections for minorities. They also feature economic integration across ethnic lines and elite commitment to pluralism. Most critically, they learned from history rather than repeating it. Singapore’s Housing Development Board requires ethnic quotas in public housing. This is done because the 1964 racial riots demonstrated the costs of segregation. Sg101 Swiss federalism emerged from religious wars that taught the necessity of accommodation. Nih +2

The contrast is stark: countries that manage diversity through inclusive institutions prosper, while those that pursue ethnic purity destroy themselves. McKinsey & Company Yet ethnic nationalist movements continue to win elections by promising the opposite of what evidence shows.

The psychology of profitable failure

Academic research reveals why ethnic nationalism persists despite its catastrophic track record. The movements succeed electorally precisely because they appeal to psychological needs that transcend rational cost-benefit analysis. Cambridge Core Threat perception, loss aversion, and collective narcissism create emotional responses that override economic or social outcomes. Wiley Online Library +2 Voters support ethnic nationalist parties for symbolic recognition—dignity, belonging, status—even when their policies produce material harm. Cambridge CoreForeign Policy

This creates a perverse political economy where ethnic nationalist leaders profit from policies that impoverish their nations. Orbán’s family and allies have captured billions in EU development funds while Hungary stagnates. WikipediaNPR Modi’s BJP has consolidated power while India’s democratic institutions deteriorate. The Soufan Center Myanmar’s generals accumulated wealth and control while destroying the country’s economy and international standing. Cfr

The pattern suggests that ethnic nationalism functions less as governance than as organized kleptocracy disguised as identity politics. The “ethnic protection” narrative provides cover for systematic corruption. It also enables authoritarian control. The promised benefits remain perpetually just around the corner. They are delayed by the latest ethnic enemy or foreign conspiracy. Wikipedia

The contagion spreads as institutions weaken

What makes this moment particularly dangerous is ethnic nationalism’s global spread coinciding with weakening international institutions. IbanetWikipedia The European Union struggles to constrain Hungary despite freezing €22 billion in funds. NPRForeign Policy The United Nations documented Myanmar’s genocide but remained powerless to prevent it. cfr +8 International courts issue rulings that authoritarian regimes ignore with impunity.

This institutional weakness creates space for ethnic nationalist movements to learn from each other’s successes. At the same time, they avoid accountability for their failures. Orbán’s Hungary hosts conservative conferences that spread his “illiberal democracy” model globally. Nih +2 India’s BJP studies authoritarian techniques from around the world. Gwu Myanmar’s military calculated that international responses would be ineffective—and proved correct. Sage Journals

The questions that demand answers

If ethnic nationalism consistently fails to deliver its promises, why do populations keep embracing it? If successful diverse societies provide obvious alternative models, why aren’t they more widely copied? If the economic and social costs are so clearly documented, why don’t rational self-interest override identity appeals? Yale Insights

Perhaps the most troubling question: Are democratic institutions strong enough to resist ethnic nationalist capture? Or do they inevitably succumb when faced with well-organized identity-based movements? These movements may exploit their own procedural legitimacy to destroy them from within. Wiley Online Library

The evidence suggests we’re not witnessing isolated national tragedies but a systematic challenge to pluralistic democracy itself. BrookingsSage Journals Ethnic nationalism has evolved from a 20th-century pathology. It has become a 21st-century political technology. OUP Academic Democratic societies have yet to develop effective immunity against it. Nih +7 The question isn’t whether ethnic nationalism works as governance. It’s whether democracies can survive its success as politics.

Here are the articles actually cited and referenced in the blog post:

Economic Data and Military Spending

  1. Global military spending surges amid war, rising tensions and insecurity | SIPRI
  2. Unprecedented rise in global military expenditure as European and Middle East spending surges | SIPRI

Hungary Economic Performance

  1. Hungary’s shaky economy disrupts Orban’s re-election playbook | Reuters
  2. Hungary in 2025: Testing the Limits of Orban’s Economic Optimism | Balkan Insight
  3. A creaking Hungarian economy is forcing erstwhile supporters of Viktor Orbán to consider their options

Institutional Analysis – Hungary

  1. How to dismantle democracy: Lessons aspiring autocrats may take from Hungary’s Orban

Singapore Success Model

  1. Building a Multicultural Singapore

Academic Research on Ethnic Nationalism Psychology

  1. What’s Behind a Rise in Ethnic Nationalism? Maybe the Economy | Yale Insights

European Far-Right Analysis

  1. Far-right surge: Here’s where nationalist parties are reshaping Europe | Fortune Europe

Note: The blog post draws on broader research and patterns from the comprehensive research conducted, but these are the specific sources directly referenced or cited within the text for key claims and statistics.

India’s Role in the Mukti Bahini: Freedom or a License to Kill?

“India gave us more than just weapons; it gave us hope. If they hadn’t helped us, our fight against Pakistan’s genocide might have been a whisper in the wind. — Lt. Col. Quazi Sajjad Ali Zahir, a Bangladeshi war veteran, 2020

The Bangladesh Liberation War started in 1971. The Bengali people of East Pakistan fought for freedom from the harsh rule of West Pakistan. The Mukti Bahini led the way in this fight. They were a group of Bengali soldiers, paramilitary, and civilians who fought as guerrillas. India’s involvement—giving training, weapons, and a safe place to stay—was key to Pakistan’s surrender on December 16, 1971. But was India’s help an act of selfless humanitarian intervention, or did it start a rebellion that killed innocent people? This study looks into the moral and strategic issues and asks whether India’s help led to freedom or chaos.

A Crisis on India’s Doorstep: Humanitarian and Strategic Reasons

The war started on March 25, 1971. Pakistan initiated Operation Searchlight with a brutal attack on Bengali civilians. They also targeted intellectuals and supporters of the Awami League. The International Commission of Jurists reported that between 300,000 and 3 million people died. Furthermore, 200,000 to 400,000 women were raped. Additionally, up to 10 million people fled to India. This was not a far-off war for India. Refugees flooded into West Bengal and Assam, putting a strain on resources and raising fears of communal unrest.

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi led India’s quick response. By April 1971, India let refugees in and started helping the Mukti Bahini, which means “freedom fighters” in Bengali. This group was made up of soldiers who had left the army and civilian volunteers led by Colonel M.A.G. Osmani. India’s Eastern Command trained fighters in camps in Assam, West Bengal, and Tripura. They gave them rifles, carbines, and artillery that had been taken from Pakistan. The Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and the Special Security Bureau (SSB) secretly aided by teaching guerrilla tactics. They also taught how to gather intelligence. By November, the Mukti Bahini had 70,000 regular soldiers and 50,000 guerrillas, all of which were paid for by India.

India’s reasons were a mix of caring and planning. The refugee crisis needed action, but it was a smart move to weaken Pakistan, which has been a rival since 1947. If Pakistan were split up, it would be less of a threat to India’s western border. It would also counter China’s support for Islamabad. As historian Gary Bass wrote in The Blood Telegram, India was also afraid of a Bengali resistance. This resistance, led by communists, could join forces with Naxalite rebels inside its borders. India made sure that Bangladesh was pro-India by supporting the Awami League’s temporary government. Gandhi said the intervention was for humanitarian reasons, but geopolitics shaped the plan.

Summary: India helped the Mukti Bahini because of a refugee crisis and its own strategic interests. It did this by giving them humanitarian aid while also trying to weaken Pakistan. This dual motive creates confusion. It is hard to determine if India cared more about Bengali lives or its own power in the region.

The Mukti Bahini’s Campaign: Successes and Mistakes

The Mukti Bahini fought a never-ending guerrilla war against Pakistani military bases, bridges, and supply lines. Operation Jackpot was a naval commando mission. It sank more than 100,000 tonnes of Pakistani ships. This made it hard for them to move goods. By December, when India officially joined the war, the Mukti Bahini had freed 80% of Bangladesh’s land, making victory possible.

But the campaign had a bad side. Some Mukti Bahini units attacked Bihari communities. These are Urdu-speaking Muslims who moved to Pakistan from India during the partition in 1947. Biharis, who were often thought to be loyal to Pakistan, were brutally punished. Lawrence Lifschultz’s 1974 book Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution says that between 1,000 and 150,000 Biharis died. Massacres happened in places like Jessore and Khulna. The Razakars were militias made up of pro-Pakistan Bengalis and Biharis. They perpetuated the violence by killing Bengalis in horrible ways. An example is the Dhaka University killings. Survivors’ stories reveal the brutality. For instance, in a 2001 Dawn interview, Noor Jahan shared that Mukti Bahini fighters burned down Bihari homes. Families were inside these homes.

Did India pay for these terrible things? There is no proof that India told its troops to attack civilians. General Manekshaw’s memoirs discuss Indian training logs. These logs were mostly about military goals like ambushes, sabotage, and battles such as Gazipur. But India’s weapons and open borders gave the Mukti Bahini freedom. In an uncontrollable war, rogue units acted on their own. Susan Brownmiller’s book Against Our Will talks about rape by all sides, including Mukti Bahini fighters, against Bihari women. This is similar to what the Pakistani army did.

Some Pakistani historians, like Yasmin Saikia, claim that India intentionally stoked ethnic violence. She discusses this in Women, War, and the Making of Bangladesh. They suggest it was done to make Pakistan even less stable. This ignores the fact that the war started because of Pakistan’s genocide. The Mukti Bahini was made up of ordinary people. This made it unlikely that India would be able to control everything from one place. Still, India’s failure to stop excesses makes it indirectly responsible.

Proxy wars and what happened after them in the past

India’s backing of the Mukti Bahini is similar to other proxy wars. The U.S. gave $5 billion to the Afghan mujahideen through Pakistan’s ISI to fight the Soviets in the 1980s. This led to the rise of groups like al-Qaeda. India’s support for the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka in the 1980s made the rebels stronger. Later, the rebels attacked Indian peacekeepers. India’s help in Bangladesh led to independence, but it also destroyed Bihari communities. This is similar to what happened in Syria, where U.S.-backed rebels killed Alawite civilians, according to Human Rights Watch in 2013.

In Rwanda after 1994, on the other hand, World Bank aid was linked to changes in how the government worked. This made militia violence go down. In 1971: A Global History of the Creation of Bangladesh, Srinath Raghavan says that India’s support didn’t have these kinds of conditions. The crisis was so urgent. Additionally, Pakistan was being aggressive. The result was a strategic win, but a moral mess.

Summary: Historical proxy wars show that giving weapons to rebels often causes civilians to suffer in ways that weren’t planned. India’s experience in 1971 shows how hard it is to find a balance between taking quick action and being responsible.

The Moral and Strategic Reckoning

Did India help the Mukti Bahini do bad things? Yes, in a way. India triggered a wave it couldn’t fully control by distributing weapons to a wide range of people. This included soldiers, students, and civilians. But Bass says that Pakistan’s genocide was the main cause of the war. Ninety thousand troops killed Bengalis without regard for their lives. Without India’s intervention, the death toll could have been higher, and Bangladesh’s independence delayed or denied.

The Bihari tragedy needs people to be held responsible. A 2023 UNHCR report says that 300,000 Biharis are still stateless in Bangladeshi camps today. Dhaka’s story of liberation ignores their situation. India didn’t push for justice for Mukti Bahini crimes because it wanted to protect Bangladesh’s independence. The Awami League in Bangladesh didn’t either. The Hamoodur Rahman Commission recorded a 1972 testimony from Bihari survivor Mohammad Alam. In his testimony, he said that Mukti Bahini fighters killed his brothers. This story is similar to many other undocumented accounts.

Counterargument: People who support India, like retired General Jacob in Surrender at Dacca, claim it was unrealistic for India to monitor every Mukti Bahini unit. Monitoring every Mukti Bahini unit was deemed unrealistic. This was especially true during a genocide. India’s top priority was to stop Pakistan’s killing, not to micromanage a resistance. This point of view is useful, but it ignores the human cost of giving too much aid.

Summary: India had to help stop genocide for moral reasons, but it didn’t do anything about the Mukti Bahini’s wrongdoings, which left a legacy of unresolved complaints. The Bihari question is still a problem with the war’s victory.

What’s at stake in South Asia right now?

The war in 1971 is still a hot topic. Veterans in Bangladesh, like Commodore Abdul Wahed Chowdhury, who was quoted in a 2021 Daily Star op-ed, say that India is a “great neighbour.” Stories of Indian subversion in Pakistan help shape policies like the country’s nuclear buildup after 1971. Raghavan says that India’s role solidified its dominance in the region, but it also left a complicated legacy: a humanitarian victory marred by the chaos of proxy wars.

The bigger question is whether any country can support a rebellion without getting blood on its hands. The problems in South Asia right now, like Kashmir and Afghanistan, are similar to what happened in 1971. If India or other powerful countries give money to insurgents today, will they have the same successes and failures as the Mukti Bahini? What happens when the line between liberator and enabler gets blurry? The stakes are lives, borders, and a region that is always on edge.

Important Dates in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War

Pakistan starts Operation Searchlight on March 25, 1971, and kills thousands.

In April 1971, India lets refugees in, and the Mukti Bahini group forms.

Operation Jackpot by Mukti Bahini messes up Pakistani logistics from July to November 1971.

December 3–16, 1971: India enters the war, and Pakistan gives up.

After the war, the Bihari massacres killed between 1,000 and 150,000 people, and 300,000 people are still without a country.
Sources: Gary Bass, the International Commission of Jurists, and the UNHCR

Who Really Runs Pakistan?

In May 2023, something happened that most of us thought we’d never see. Protesters didn’t just chant slogans or wave flags—they stormed military installations. In Pakistan. It was bold. Dangerous. And deeply symbolic.

On the surface, it was a reaction to the arrest of former Prime Minister Imran Khan. But look closer, and it felt like the breaking of a long-held silence. A public that had, for decades, tiptoed around the army’s role in politics was suddenly confronting it head-on.

The Fall of a Fragile Alliance

It’s ironic. The very party leading the charge—Khan’s PTI—was once seen as being hand-in-glove with the military. That relationship cracked wide open in 2022, after Khan was ousted through a no-confidence vote. He claimed it was a stitch-up—foreign hands, domestic betrayal, and yes, the army lurking in the background.

From that moment, his tone changed. The jabs became punches. He accused generals of trying to silence him, even blamed them for a failed attempt on his life. When the 2024 elections rolled around, the establishment hit back. His party symbol—a cricket bat—was taken away. His candidates ran as independents. And even though they won more seats than anyone else, they were boxed out of government.

PTI cried foul. The phrase “mother of all rigging” made the rounds. But some asked: is this really a battle for democracy—or just anger at no longer having the military’s blessing?

A History We Pretend to Forget

Let’s be honest. This tension isn’t new. It goes back to 1947. Pakistan was born in a hurry, with no deep-rooted civilian institutions ready to lead. The military, organized and visible, stepped into the vacuum. The first coup came in 1958. Since then, generals have ruled directly for about half of the country’s history—and pulled the strings during most of the rest.

Even in “democratic” periods, foreign policy, national security—even parts of the economy—have often been shaped in Rawalpindi, not Islamabad.

And it’s not subtle. Not really.

Civilian Faces, Military Hands

Over the years, civilian governments have often been little more than polite cover for military influence. Some were toppled. Others quietly coexisted. But few had the space—or the spine—to govern independently.

Why? Because every time there’s a political crisis (and there’s always a crisis), politicians turn to the military for mediation. They think the army is the adult in the room. The fixer. The referee. And by doing that, they invite the referee to play the game.

The Army’s Other Uniform

But the military’s reach doesn’t stop at politics. It runs businesses. A lot of them. Real estate projects. Construction companies. Banks. Farms. Its economic empire is estimated to be worth over $20 billion.

Officially, it’s about helping the families of fallen soldiers. In reality, it’s also about control. When an institution becomes this financially independent, it’s nearly impossible to reform. It doesn’t need to ask. It tells.

Security as a Trump Card

Whenever critics push back, the military has a simple response: “We’re the only thing keeping this place together.” And in a country where extremist violence, separatist tensions, and unstable borders are real threats—that argument lands.

Take the hostage crisis on a train in March 2025. Militants stormed it. The army stepped in, resolved the standoff. But afterward, the army chief warned that the real problem wasn’t terrorism. It was weak civilian governance.

The message was clear: if the politicians can’t run the country, we will.

The Same Old Loop

This isn’t just about Imran Khan. Or PTI. Or one general. The same thing happened to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. To Benazir. To Nawaz Sharif. Leaders rise, clash with the military, fall. New ones are lifted up—until they, too, forget who really holds the leash.

And here’s the kicker: many of today’s top politicians were once propped up by the military. They didn’t just tolerate it—they benefited from it. That’s what makes talk of resistance ring hollow sometimes.

Is There a Way Out?

Can Pakistan change course? That depends on whether its politicians are ready to grow up. To stop turning to the army every time there’s a dispute. To respect elections—win or lose. To build institutions that aren’t waiting for a general’s nod.

The truth is, the military won’t back off just because someone shouts at a press conference. It will take time. Discipline. Unity among parties who usually can’t stand each other.

But if that doesn’t happen? The cycle will repeat. Again. And again. And again.

The Real Test

This is about more than politics. It’s about who gets to define Pakistan’s future. Will it be voters—or men in uniform? Can institutions finally work within their boundaries? Can power be exercised without backroom deals or quiet threats?

The answer isn’t obvious. But whatever it is—it’s going to shape this country for a long, long time.

Military Influence in Pakistan: The Cycle of Power and Reform

The Referee Who Owns the Stadium

The images from May 2023 remain etched in the collective memory of a nation: smoke rising from cantonments and protesters breaching gates that were once considered untouchable. It was a moment of unprecedented audacity. For the first time, the public did not merely whisper about military influence in Pakistan; they confronted it with physical force. This was not a standard protest: it was a shattering of the “fear barrier” that has defined the state since its inception.

The Fall of a Fragile Alliance

The irony of the current friction is almost poetic. Former Prime Minister Imran Khan, once the golden child of the establishment, found himself cast as its primary antagonist after his 2022 ousting. The subsequent 2024 elections served as a brutal masterclass in institutional control. Candidates were stripped of their symbols, yet they emerged with a plurality of seats, only to be sidelined by a coalition that appeared choreographed from behind the scenes. The scene exemplifies that influence, particularly the military, is still potent in Pakistan’s political dynamics.

Is this truly a democratic awakening, or is it simply the fury of a partner who was suddenly ghosted? This relationship resembles a high-stakes poker game where the house always wins because the house owns the cards, the table, and the oxygen in the room. The “mother of all rigging” became a popular refrain, but it masks a deeper systemic failure. The avoidance of genuine structural reform by all political parties has ensured that the military remains the only cohesive entity in a fractured landscape.

A Century of Strings and Shadows: The Deep Roots of GHQ

To understand the present, one must acknowledge that military influence in Pakistan is not an aberration; it is the foundation. Since 1947, the lack of robust civilian institutions allowed the army to position itself as the sole guarantor of stability. Generals have held the gavel for half of the nation’s life, and even during civilian intervals, the “red lines” regarding foreign policy and the nuclear program remain firmly drawn in Rawalpindi.

  1. The Economic Empire: The military operates a corporate conglomerate valued at over $20 billion, spanning real estate to banking.
  2. The Mediator Trap: Politicians frequently invite the army to settle domestic disputes, effectively giving the referee a jersey and a spot on the field. This dynamic highlights the influence of the military in Pakistan’s socio-political fabric.
  3. The Security Narrative: By framing every crisis as an existential threat, the establishment justifies its presence in every sector of public life.

Why do civilian leaders fail to break this loop? The answer lies in the “habit of dependency.” Like a climber who refuses to let go of a frayed safety rope, the political class fears the fall more than the constriction.

The Narrative Arc: A History of Recycled Revolutions

We have seen this film before. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif, and now Imran Khan have all followed the same trajectory: rise with a nod, rule with a struggle, and fall with a crash. Each leader believes they are the exception to the rule until the leash tightens. In March 2025, during a tragic train hostage crisis, the army’s swift resolution was followed by a chillingly familiar critique: the failure was not tactical, but a symptom of “weak civilian governance.”

This rhetoric serves a dual purpose. It validates the army’s necessity while simultaneously eroding the legitimacy of the ballot box. The military does not need to seize power when it can simply wait for the civilians to fail under the weight of their own contradictions. The steady grip of influence the military holds over Pakistan adds another layer to this intricate political landscape.

Conclusion: Breaking the Perpetual Loop

The path forward requires more than just fiery speeches or digital activism. It demands a collective “growing up” of the political elite. Can the parties finally agree to respect the sanctity of the vote, even when it doesn’t favor them? Real change will not come from a single leader’s defiance, but from the quiet, disciplined construction of institutions that do not require a general’s blessing to function.

The military will not retreat simply because it is asked; it will only step back when the civilian vacuum it fills no longer exists. Until then, the cycle of rise and ruin will continue to spin. The ultimate test for Pakistan is whether it can transition from a state managed by men in uniform to a nation governed by the rule of law, free from military influence.

Read more : Ceasefire on the Brink: Why Pakistan’s General Phoned India to Halt the Cross-Border Fire

How Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Pakistan Forge Strategic Partnerships

In July 2024, three presidents gathered in Astana for their first trilateral summit. The leaders were Azerbaijan’s Ilham Aliyev, Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and Pakistan’s Shahbaz Sharif. It wasn’t just another diplomatic photo opportunity. This was the formal elevation of what intelligence analysts now recognize as a highly effective military partnership. This was outside traditional alliance structures. In May 2025, missiles flew between India and Pakistan. Among over 50 Muslim nations, only Turkey and Azerbaijan openly backed Pakistan. When Armenian forces faced Azerbaijani drones in 2020, Pakistani soldiers were reportedly fighting alongside Turkish advisors in Nagorno-Karabakh.

This isn’t sentiment. It’s strategy disguised as solidarity.

When Flags Become Weapons: The Psychology of Proxy Brotherhood

Pakistani vloggers visited Azerbaijan during the 2020 war. They found Pakistani and Turkish flags hanging from Azerbaijani buildings. These flags were not government mandates but genuine popular enthusiasm. This emotional resonance provides perfect cover for what is fundamentally a transactional relationship. Each nation projects its conflicts onto the others’ struggles. This creates a psychological multiplier effect. It transforms bilateral disputes into trilateral causes.

The institutionalization of this brotherhood is now concrete and measurable. The “Three Brothers — 2021” exercises marked the first-ever joint military drills between the three countries. They were held in Baku with 8-day special forces training. This training was designed to “prepare for operations in peacetime and wartime”. By 2023, Azerbaijan and Turkey were conducting joint exercises named after Mustafa Kemal Ataturk involving up to 3,000 military personnel.

Turkey’s contribution to Azerbaijan’s 2020 victory wasn’t just the drones. It was three decades of methodical army-building. This started after the Soviet collapse. Similarly, Pakistan’s military cooperation with Turkey dates to the 1970s. During this time, Ankara openly supported Pakistan’s Kashmir position. Ankara also maintained military support during its wars with India. What appears as spontaneous brotherhood is actually institutionalized mutual dependence.

The genius lies in the optics. When Turkey provides military training or Pakistan sends advisors, it’s framed as “brotherly assistance” rather than strategic intervention. Turkey’s Erdoğan invokes the phrase “one nation, two states” with Azerbaijan, while Pakistan and Turkey are exploring dual nationality initiatives. Identity politics becomes the perfect camouflage for geopolitical maneuvering.

The Arsenal of Convenience: How Shared Enemies Create Shared Arsenals

Each nation’s primary adversary conveniently validates the others’ strategic choices. Pakistan refuses to recognize Armenia as a sovereign state. Turkey and Azerbaijan support Pakistan on Kashmir. This brings opposition from India. For Baku, Islamabad and Ankara have supported efforts to liberate formerly occupied territories. In Pakistan’s case, the Turkish and Azerbaijani governments have supported Islamabad in the conflict over Jammu and Kashmir.

This creates a fascinating strategic symbiosis. During 2020 to 2024, 10% of Turkey’s total arms shipments went to Pakistan. This included Bayraktar TB2 drones. These drones rose to global prominence following their combat success in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War. Turkey has invited Pakistan to join their 5th generation TF-X fighter jet programme. Meanwhile, there is a strong likelihood of Islamabad selling Pakistani and Chinese-designed JF-17 fighter jets to Azerbaijan.

The war-tested technology flows seamlessly between conflicts. The same Turkish drones devastated Armenian positions in Karabakh. These drones were providing deadly capabilities to Pakistan in its conflict with India. Turkish military advisors and Syrian mercenaries who gained experience in Libya and Syria were reportedly active in Nagorno-Karabakh. This creates an accelerated learning curve—each war becomes a testing ground for the next.

The Economic Logic Behind Military Sentiment

Strip away the rhetoric about historical bonds, and a clear economic pattern emerges. Azerbaijan’s military expenditures are around 4 billion dollars, creating a massive market for defense procurement. The two countries plan to establish a joint investment portfolio. This portfolio has an estimated value of $2 billion and will finance joint business projects. The High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council targets elevating bilateral trade to $5 billion by 2023.

Turkey is building 17,000 tonne Fleet Tankers, PN-MILGEM corvettes, and upgrading Agosta 90B submarines for Pakistan. The Middle Corridor initiative is crucial for enhancing trade routes. It boosts economic integration across the region. The corridor passes through Azerbaijan and Turkey. Pakistan’s participation was discussed at their trilateral summit.

The Technology Transfer Pipeline

The arms flow creates a sophisticated learning ecosystem. Turkish Aerospace Industries signed contracts with Pakistan’s National Engineering and Science Commission. They will jointly produce Anka military drones. The technology will be transferred between the companies. Pakistan’s Air Force reportedly trains Turkish pilots. Pakistani pilots have allegedly been flying Turkish F-16s in operations against Greece. This creates “mercenary pilot” arrangements that blur traditional sovereignty lines.

War, in this context, becomes a market opportunity. In the five years before the second Karabakh war, about 70 percent of Azerbaijan’s arms imports came from Israel. However, the trilateral partnership is rapidly changing these procurement patterns. Each conflict validates the weapons systems and creates demand for more sophisticated capabilities.

The Limits of Borrowed Courage

Yet this partnership contains inherent contradictions that expose its transactional nature. Azerbaijan is very independent—they have been willing to challenge everybody when it’s in their crucial national interest. When Russian red lines were at stake during the Karabakh war, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev was very cautious. He was more cautious than the Turkish leadership. He stopped before the Turks thought he should stop.

The recent India-Pakistan escalation triggered immediate economic retaliation. Affected are 240,000 Indians who traveled to Azerbaijan. Additionally, 330,000 who visited Turkey in 2024 now face boycott calls. Turkey’s support for Pakistan during the May 2025 escalation has reinforced their strategic alliance. However, it has strained Ankara’s relations with New Delhi. These tensions have led to economic boycotts of Turkish goods and services.

Each nation ultimately calculates its own interests first. The Kremlin takes care to remain neutral in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. It maintains close relations with both Armenia and Azerbaijan. Turkey navigated this by providing support without crossing Russian red lines. Similarly, when core interests conflict, the brotherhood rhetoric quickly yields to national priorities.

The Dangerous Mathematics of Mutual Assured Support

The trilateral partnership has created a new form of strategic entanglement. Bilateral and trilateral military cooperation between Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and Turkey is based on friendly and fraternal relations. It also relies on the assumption that conflicts will remain manageable and localized.

Yet regional analysts warn this alliance is fundamentally destabilizing. Critics argue that Turkey wants to be the epicenter of a Turkic-centric order. This ambition naturally challenges Russia’s interests in the Caucasus and Central Asia. The alliance emerges in the East as comprising Turkey, Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and increasingly China versus the U.S. and India, creating new axes of confrontation.

The Iranian Factor

The “Three Brothers—2021” exercises led to heightened tensions between Azerbaijan and Iran. This happened because officials in Tehran perceived the tripartite exercise as threatening. The unifying factor of the triangle appears to be Iran. All three states maintain ostentatiously good relations with it. Each state eyes Tehran with suspicion and wariness of growing Iranian influence in the wider region.

The May 2025 India-Pakistan escalation brought the two nuclear-armed states closer to a major conflict. Turkey was one of the few countries that openly sided with Pakistan. China and Azerbaijan also supported Pakistan during the country’s heightened four-day conflict with India. But would Turkey risk a broader war with India for Pakistan? Would Azerbaijan jeopardize its energy relationships for Kashmir?

Counter-Alliance Formation

The partnership has triggered counter-alignments that threaten regional stability. India is reportedly accelerating arms sales to Armenia. Analysts view this as part of a broader effort to counter the growing strategic alignment between Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Pakistan. Armenia has also expressed support towards India regarding Kashmir. This sets the stage for strengthening alliances among the three Islamic nations, with Armenia and India in opposition.

The partnership works precisely because each conflict has remained contained. Moscow and Ankara agree that they prefer to keep international—and especially Western—involvement in the Karabakh conflict relatively minimal and contained. But escalation dynamics are unpredictable. The same drone technology and military advisors ensured quick victories in limited conflicts. However, they could just as easily drag all three nations into wars they never intended to fight.

The Question of Escalation Control

Here lies the fundamental tension: lending a voice of support in a regional conflict in normal times is one thing. However, when a country is actually at war, who stands with it attains a much greater importance. The trilateral partnership has moved beyond diplomatic support to active military cooperation, creating obligations that may exceed rational strategic calculations.

The Nuclear Dimension

The most alarming development is emerging concerns that rogue elements in the Pakistani military could supply nuclear technology to Turkey. Such concerns appeared particularly real given Turkish-Pakistani military cooperation against Armenia in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war. Reports indicated that Pakistan’s Air Force was training Turkish pilots. There were also discussions of Pakistan lending support to a nuclear program in Turkey.

The leaders discussed the importance of regular joint military exercises. These exercises strengthen their defence capabilities. They also explored potential for joint defence production. The significance of increasing the intensity of bilateral and trilateral joint exercises was stressed. Each exercise deepens interoperability and mutual dependence, making it harder to remain neutral when the shooting starts.

The Limits of Strategic Patience

However, the partnership faces inherent constraints from external powers and internal contradictions. Even sympathetic observers note that geopolitical tensions exist. Tensions, particularly between Armenia and Azerbaijan, may undermine the stability and security of corridors they seek to develop. These tensions hinder economic integration. Competition from maritime routes and Russia’s dominance over other land routes across Eurasia presents threats to their shared ambitions.

The question facing strategists in Ankara, Baku, and Islamabad is this: Have they created a partnership that enhances their security? Or have they created a mutual entanglement that could drag them into conflicts they cannot control?

When brotherhood becomes a strategic liability, will convenience still masquerade as conviction?

How India’s Policies Alienate the Muslim World

India’s standing in the Muslim world is crumbling. Once a beacon of secular pluralism, it’s now a lightning rod for criticism from Ankara to Kuala Lumpur. The shift didn’t happen overnight. It’s a cascade of choices—some deliberate, others reckless—that have painted India as hostile to Islam in the eyes of many Muslim-majority nations.

From the Kashmir shutdown to cozying up to Israel. India’s actions have provoked criticism, weakened alliances, and given its opponents a propaganda victory. How did a country that previously hosted Non-Aligned Movement meetings with Arab and Muslim leaders end up here? Let’s follow the stages, unpack the paradoxes, and confront the consequences.

Kashmir: The Open Wound That Festers

Kashmir is the epicenter. India’s 2019 revocation of Article 370, stripping the region of autonomy, wasn’t just a domestic flex—it was a geopolitical grenade. The lockdown that followed—internet blackouts, mass detentions, 700,000 troops—turned a disputed territory into a global symbol of oppression. Over 90% of Kashmir’s 7 million people are Muslim. To the Muslim world, India’s heavy hand reads as anti-Islamic. Turkey’s Erdogan called it a “humanitarian crisis” in a 2020 UN speech. Pakistan’s Imran Khan, never one to miss a jab, labeled it “genocide.” Hyperbole? Sure. But it resonates.

India argues it’s fighting terrorism. Jaish-e-Mohammed and Lashkar-e-Taiba, Pakistan-backed, have killed thousands. A 2023 Indian Home Ministry report pegged 1,200 terror incidents in Kashmir since 2000. Fair enough. But blanket crackdowns don’t just hit militants—they alienate civilians. Schools shuttered. Youth jobless. A 2024 Amnesty International report documented 2,300 arbitrary detentions since 2019. When Saudi Arabia, usually silent, expressed “concern” at a 2021 OIC meeting, India should’ve heard alarms. Instead, it doubled down, dismissing critics as Pakistan’s puppets. That’s not strategy—it’s denial.

The BJP’s Domestic Playbook: A Global Backfire

At home, India’s ruling BJP thrives on Hindu nationalism. It’s a winning formula—84% of India’s 1.4 billion are Hindu. But the rhetoric—cow vigilantism, “love jihad” laws, mosque disputes—spills abroad. The 2019 Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), fast-tracking non-Muslim refugees while excluding Muslims, was a flashpoint. Bangladesh’s then-PM Sheikh Hasina, an India ally, called it “unnecessary” in a rare rebuke. Malaysia’s Mahathir Mohamad went further, accusing India of “persecution” at a 2019 summit. A 2024 Pew survey found 65% of Muslims in India feel “less safe” since 2014. That’s 200 million people. The Muslim world notices.

India’s defense? The CAA is about protecting persecuted minorities from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan. Fine. But why exclude Muslims? The optics scream discrimination. When Kuwait and the UAE—key trade partners—boycotted Indian goods in 2020 over anti-Muslim slurs by BJP leaders, India barely blinked. A May 2025 X post from @GulfAnalyst, a verified Middle East observer, noted a 15% drop in Indian exports to OIC nations since 2022. Economics talks. India’s ignoring it.

Israel: The Alliance That Burns Bridges

India’s pivot to Israel is another misstep. Since 2014, New Delhi has deepened ties—$5 billion in defense deals, per a 2023 SIPRI report. Modi’s 2017 Tel Aviv visit, the first by an Indian PM, was a statement. Israel’s tech, drones, and counterterror expertise are gold for India. But in the Muslim world, Israel is radioactive. India’s silence during Gaza flare-ups, like the 2024 bombardment killing 3,000 Palestinians, doesn’t help. When Jordan and Qatar condemned India’s “pro-Israel tilt” at a 2024 Arab League meeting, India shrugged. Big mistake.

History offers a lesson. In the 1970s, India championed Palestine, hosting Arafat and backing UN resolutions. It balanced Israel ties with Arab goodwill. Now, it’s all-in with Tel Aviv, betting the Muslim world won’t matter. Wrong. Turkey and Malaysia, both OIC heavyweights, have rallied anti-India sentiment. A May 15, 2025, Al Jazeera op-ed by a Pakistani analyst framed India as “Israel’s Asian proxy.” Exaggerated? Maybe. But it sticks.

The China-Pakistan Axis: Exploiting India’s Fumble

India’s alienation has a winner: China and Pakistan. Beijing’s Belt and Road has Muslim nations from Pakistan to Oman in its orbit. India’s missteps make it easier. Pakistan, ever the opportunist, amplifies India’s “anti-Muslim” image. At a 2023 OIC summit, it pushed a resolution condemning India’s Kashmir policies—45 nations signed on. China, meanwhile, courts the Gulf. A 2024 Xinhua report touted $30 billion in Saudi-China trade, dwarfing India’s $10 billion. India’s response? More strikes on Pakistan, like the 2024 drone hit in POK. It feels good. It solves nothing.

The contradiction bites. India needs Muslim nations—UAE for remittances, Saudi for oil, Turkey for trade. Yet it’s torching those ties. The 1990s showed a smarter India, balancing Israel and Arabs, engaging Iran and Iraq. Now, it’s a bull in a china shop, assuming economic clout will mute critics. It won’t. When Bangladesh’s PM Eunice, cozy with China, sniped at India’s “hegemony” in a May 2025 Dawn interview, it wasn’t just rhetoric—it was a signal. The Muslim world is drifting.

Can India Course-Correct? Don’t Bet on It

India’s not clueless. It knows the Muslim world matters—25% of global population, 57 OIC nations, $4 trillion in GDP. But domestic politics lock it in. The BJP’s base demands Hindu-first policies. Kashmir’s a sacred cow. Israel’s a strategic necessity. Reversing course risks electoral suicide. Diplomacy could help—reopen Kashmir talks, tone down rhetoric, balance Israel with Palestine gestures. But India’s current mood is defiance, not nuance. A 2025 MEA statement dismissed OIC criticism as “motivated.” That’s not a pivot—it’s a wall.

The deeper irony? India’s alienating the very nations it needs to counter China. The Quad won’t fill the gap if the Gulf, Turkey, and Malaysia turn hostile. Historical missteps haunt—think 1962, when India’s Non-Aligned posturing left it isolated against China. Today’s path isn’t war, but it’s loneliness. The Muslim world isn’t a monolith, but it’s not a pushover either. India’s betting it can bully or ignore its way through. Good luck.

This isn’t about guilt. It’s about consequences. India’s choices—Kashmir, domestic policies, Israel—aren’t just domestic. They’re reshaping its place in a multipolar world. The Muslim world’s anger isn’t permanent, but it’s real. India can’t afford to keep burning bridges. Not when China’s building them.